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Women, money, CEDAW, Northern Ireland

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women, poverty, CEDAWThe UK needs to review the gender impacts of the welfare reform and public sector cuts.

On 17 July the UK government has to present its 7th report on its progress with regard to women’s rights to the UN Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

Several NGOs who work with women’s issues and women’s rights in the UK have been asked to present ‘shadow reports’.

The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) is one such NGO.

Established in 1981, CAJ is an independent non-governmental organisation affiliated to the International Federation of Human Rights.

CAJ takes no position on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and is firmly opposed to the use of violence for political ends. Its membership is drawn from across the community.

It seeks to ensure the highest standards in the administration of justice in Northern Ireland by ensuring that the government complies with its responsibilities in international human rights law.

CAJ hopes that the following material, one part of its shadow report, will be of help to the UN CEDAW Committee as it carries out its full examination of the extent to which the UK has complied with the Convention as it applies to Northern Ireland.

The UK government, CAJ reports, has announced a number of reforms to the benefits system under the Welfare Reform Act 2012. Similar legislation is now progressing through the Northern Ireland Assembly.

The UK report to the CEDAW Committee with regard to the situation in Northern Ireland states that:

The Northern Ireland Executive introduced parity measures, as well as key developments in its own jurisdiction, which will make a real contribution to the social and economic well-being of women in Northern Ireland such as: reforming the pensions system in Northern Ireland, introducing new provisions to simply the child maintenance process and the publication of the Northern Ireland Child Poverty Strategy.

Notwithstanding the above there are however significant concerns about the regressive impact of welfare reform on women.

These reforms will also have a more adverse effect in Northern Ireland due to the post-conflict situation.

There have also been substantial changes to the economy since the last CEDAW hearing in 2008 and this has had an adverse impact on women.

In Northern Ireland this is manifested by the impact of the recession, emergency budgets and the impending welfare reform bill.

Women paid 72 per cent of the net cost of the tax and benefit changes in the UK government’s June 2010 emergency budget.

The effect on Northern Ireland of the new proposed welfare regime has been analysed by the Institute of Fiscal Studies (IFS).

There are particular implications for women when looking at households in Northern Ireland in relation to the welfare reform measures to be introduced in between 2013-2015:

Northern Ireland has the second highest loss as a percentage of incomes within the regions and constituent nations of the UK.

This is in part to do with the relatively high proportion of households with children, a section of the society which the IFS says will suffer particular losses, and the burden of which will be carried by women.

Northern Ireland has an equality duty where public authorities must pay due regard to equality of opportunity on nine grounds including gender.

These welfare proposals conflict with this principle, as women will be adversely impacted and more so if they have multiple identities such as lone parent, disabled women or carers.

The official Equality Commission for Northern Ireland has stated that the proportion of lone parents in employment in Northern Ireland is well below the average for the United Kingdom, with female lone parents at the highest risk of poverty.

Only one in seven lone parents in Northern Ireland is currently working. This is a smaller proportion of lone parents than for any other region within the United Kingdom.

And one commentator has argued that the benefits overhaul does not take into account those in work poverty, especially those women who take on low paid, high risk, part-time jobs.

In the Women’s Ad Hoc Policy Group briefing to the Northern Ireland Department for Social Development on the proposed Welfare Reform Bill it is said that, ‘Reforms will result in reductions to women’s income and reduce opportunity, capacity to work and to gain economic autonomy’.

On top of that, under Universal Credit proposals couples will receive a single payment once a month to just one person in the couple.

Couples will not be able to decide to have it paid more frequently, or to split to whom it is paid.

It is estimated that in 80 per cent of cases the nominated person will be the man for most claiming families.

Research over the years has shown that to reach children most effectively, money should be paid to those taking the main responsibility for their care.

For this reason, existing tax credits and money for childcare costs are currently paid to the main carer in the family – usually the woman.

When these payments are replaced by universal credit, either the family has to agree that all their universal credit is paid to the main carer or the main carer will receive none of it.

Although at the time of writing the Northern Ireland Executive has agreed some flexibilities with payments this will not be guaranteed until the Bill is passed.

Women account for two thirds of the Northern Ireland public sector workforce. Public sector cuts will therefore likely have a significantly greater impact on women than men.

Not only this, currently Northern Ireland has no childcare strategy, which is a significant barrier to work for women and a ‘primary barrier to women’s equality and participation.’

Forty-three years after the Equal Pay Act (Northern Ireland) 1970, and 37 years after the Sex Discrimination (Northern Ireland) Order 1976  Northern Ireland still has a gender pay gap, as the ‘Women in Northern Ireland’ Labour Market, Statistics Bulletin from September 2012 shows:

‘The median gross weekly wage for full-time females at April 2011 in Northern Ireland was £427.80 while for full-time males the figure was £463.50.

‘The ratio between male and female full-time median hourly earnings excluding overtime has increased to 102 per cent (from 100.5 per cent in 2010), which represents a slight widening of the full-time gender pay gap.’

The welfare reforms are taking place in the absence of a Northern Ireland Bill of Rights as committed to in the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement or a Single Equality Bill, both of which are currently outstanding.

Both could have provided extra safeguards to protect women and the most vulnerable in relation to welfare and austerity.

The UN Committee, CAJ concludes, may wish to ask the UK to review – and mitigate against – the gender impacts of the welfare reform and public sector cuts in Northern Ireland, and implement single equality legislation and the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights.

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